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 Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG), Abu Munthir & Crevice
amirrortotheenemy
Posted: Oct 7 2011, 08:14 PM





Group: J7 Forum Team
Posts: 6,702
Member No.: 235
Joined: 6-November 06



QUOTE
152. Salahuddin Amin, you will recall, came from Luton. From what he told the police in interview however, he had been born in Pakistan and brought up there prior to moving to England when he was about 16. He thereafter returned to visit Pakistan in 1999/2000 and became interested in and supportive of the Pakistani struggle with India over Kashmir.

153. After that short stay in Pakistan he returned to Luton and indeed became a student at the University of Hertfordshire. He also had a job as a taxi driver. He had decided, prior to returning to England, that he would make financial donations to the cause in relation to Kashmir. This he did.

154. Amin then took a year out from being a student to work full time as a cabbie and this enabled him to make donations of E5 to E10 per day.

155. He also came under various influences. One such influence was a young man named Aftab. Aftab had apparently undergone training in Pakistan and indeed was in due course to be killed in Afghanistan. It was to Aftab that Amin handed over his donations for onward transmission. Aftab also provided videos and cassettes.

156. Those videos and cassettes had the effect of making up Amin's mind to undergo training and to go to fight in Kashmir or Afghanistan.

157. He was at this time studying Islam and praying for about two hours a day. Among the visitors to his mosque in Luton was a man named Abu Munthir - we will come across Abu Munthir in due course in Pakistan and indeed you may recall that Babar knew of him as a senior man who Babar wanted to meet.

158. Of particular relevance to this case is the fact that Amin's mosque or centre also received a visit from members of the Crawley group. Amin recalled that this was how he met Omar Khyam and Waheed Mahmood for the first time.

159. When in the summer of 2001 Amin went to Pakistan for his sister's wedding, he took the opportunity to "check out," as he put it, a training camp. He wasn't in the event very impressed with it but he did this because he thought he might return to undergo training. He told the police, in response to a question in interview, that he viewed himself at that time as a radical follower of Islam.


QUOTE
163. Initially in Pakistan, Amin worked in his uncle's business. However, in due course a man who he had known from the mosque back in Luton came to see him. His name was Abdul Quayam. He asked Amin would he help in the transmission of money and equipment to people fighting in Afghanistan - like Al Qaeda and Mujahideen. And the recipient of the money and equipment was to be Abu Munthir, to whom I referred a few minutes ago.

164. Abu Munthir was now of course in Pakistan or Afghanistan, and thereafter Amin received the money and equipment and passed it on, usually via an intermediary to Abu Munthir.


165. In February 2003, Omar Khyam, the first defendant, arrived in Pakistan. Amin had been notified of his arrival and that he, Khyam, was coming out to help. He would stay until August 2003 and again tying in with the evidence of Babar, Khyam was known to Amin by the name Ausman. Initially Khyam was concerned with the supplying of the equipment to go to Abu Munthir. There were associates of Khyam also involved - one was the second defendant, Anthony Garcia. Amin knew him by the name of Rizwan and knew he was Algerian.


QUOTE
173. An indication to the trust imposed in Amin and his position in the Pakistani end of the organisation is gained from the passing of information to him in relation to a radioisotope bomb. Abu Munthir asked Amin to contact a man named Abu Annis on Munthir's behalf. Amin did so via the internet and Abu Annis said they had made contact with the Russian mafia in Belgium and from the mafia they were trying to buy this bomb.


QUOTE
178. Those are the precautions they were taking. What did Omar Khyam want to know in February 2004? He told Amin that he had 650 kg of ammonium nitrate and he basically wanted to know two things. Firstly, what should he mix with it to make explosives and secondly, in what ratios. Khyam explained that he had forgotten the detail of the instructions they had received back in June 2003 in Kohat. So, it seems, had Amin because he went to Abu Munthir, his superior, in order to obtain this information. This took two or three weeks but he was assiduous enough to make notes, thereafter destroyed, of what he was told. That information he passed on to Khyam.


CODE
http://cryptome.org/r-v-khyam-01.htm


Abu Munthir is mentioned here as someone of Moroccan descent:

CODE
http://julyseventh.co.uk/j7-inquest-transcripts/docs/inquest-evidence/2011-02-22/am/MPS4-63.pdf


Possibly related:

QUOTE
44. In mid May 2004, a second overseas detainee indicated he had met two men from Leeds called Ibrahim and Zubair who had been sent on a fact finding mission by MQK. The second detainee, who had better reason to recognise the two men than Babar, was shown good quality photographs of D and E, but failed to recognise D or E, let alone to identify E as Ibrahim.


CODE
http://7julyinquests.independent.gov.uk/docs/orders/rule43-report.pdf


...although Amin is a possible candidate for 'second detainee'

QUOTE
6.9 In a further statement [p.2405] Babar confirms that the person he called Ibrahim was MSK. He confirms that he met MSK at the airport with Amin. They went to see the uncle of one of them in Rawalpindi. Babar next saw them at Amin's flat in Islamabad. It was on this occasion that Khyam told them about the training camp. Amin, Ahmed Ali Khan and Babar were also present. MSK said that he had previously received weapons training at a camp in Kashmir.

Source


another Secret Service intelligence source is mentioned here

CODE
http://7julyinquests.independent.gov.uk/evidence/docs/SYS53-1.pdf
Top
amirrortotheenemy
Posted: Oct 7 2011, 08:24 PM





Group: J7 Forum Team
Posts: 6,702
Member No.: 235
Joined: 6-November 06



QUOTE
Sami Assaadi : during his presence in the United Kingdom he was a coordinator between the Palestinian and Egyptian extremists such as: Abu-Musa'ab and the Palestinian national Abu-Qatata.


CODE
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/interactive/2011/sep/09/libya


Although referred to as Egyptian Abu-Musa'ab could be the Syrian Mustafa Setmariam Nasar (Abu Mus`ab al-Suri)

QUOTE
Hard Line Salafists in London and Afghanistan

The adoption of hard line Salafist positions by leading jihadists led to several important leadership schisms. In the mid-1990s, a serious conflict erupted between Abu Mus`ab al-Suri and Abu Qatada al-Filistini, who were then the two main ideologues behind the al-Ansar Newsletter in London, the mouthpiece of the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) in Algeria and probably the most prominent jihadist journal at that time. Al-Suri was gradually estranged because Abu Qatada’s hard line Salafist supporters gained control over the GIA media unit. He later recalled in his memoirs how people like him were denounced as politicos and even heretics by the Salafists:


CODE
http://www.ctc.usma.edu/posts/abu-musab-al-suri%E2%80%99s-critique-of-hard-line-salafists-in-the-jihadist-current
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amirrortotheenemy
Posted: Oct 7 2011, 08:31 PM





Group: J7 Forum Team
Posts: 6,702
Member No.: 235
Joined: 6-November 06



QUOTE
Escobar reports that all the top military commanders working with NATO are LIFG, from Belhaj in Tripoli to Ismael as-Salabi in Benghazi and Abdelhakim al-Assadi in Derna. The key asset sitting at the core of the pro-NATO Transitional National Council is, according to this source, Ali Salabi. It was Salabi who negotiated with Gadhafi's son Saif the "end" of LIFG's jihad, "thus assuring the bright future of these born-again 'freedom fighters.'"

Source


QUOTE
Abdel Hakim al-Hasady, an influential Islamic preacher and high-school teacher who spent five years at a training camp in eastern Afghanistan, oversees the recruitment, training and deployment of about 300 rebel fighters from Darna.

Mr. Hasady's field commander on the front lines is Salah al-Barrani, a former fighter from the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, or LIFG, which was formed in the 1990s by Libyan mujahedeen returning home after helping to drive the Soviets from Afghanistan and dedicated to ousting Mr. Gadhafi from power.

Sufyan Ben Qumu, a Libyan army veteran who worked for Osama bin Laden's holding company in Sudan and later for an al Qaeda-linked charity in Afghanistan, is training many of the city's rebel recruits.

Both Messrs. Hasady and Ben Qumu were picked up by Pakistani authorities after the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 and were turned over to the U.S. Mr. Hasady was released to Libyan custody two months later. Mr. Ben Qumu spent six years at Guantanamo Bay before he was turned over to Libyan custody in 2007.

They were both released from Libyan prisons in 2008 as part of a reconciliation with Islamists in Libya.

Islamist leaders and their contingent of followers represent a relatively small minority within the rebel cause. They have served the rebels' secular leadership with little friction. Their discipline and fighting experience is badly needed by the rebels' ragtag army.

Among his followers, Mr. Hasady has the reputation of a trained warrior who stood fearlessly at the front ranks of young protesters during the first days of the uprising.

And his discourse has become dramatically more pro-American, now that he stands in alliance with the West in a battle against Col. Gadhafi.

"Our view is starting to change of the U.S.," said Mr. Hasady. "If we hated the Americans 100%, today it is less than 50%. They have started to redeem themselves for their past mistakes by helping us to preserve the blood of our children."

Mr. Hasady also offered a reconsideration of his past approach. "No Islamist revolution has ever succeeded. Only when the whole population was included did we succeed, and that means a more inclusive ideology."

Messrs. Ben Qumu and Barrani were on the front lines and couldn't be reached for comment.

Some rebel leaders are wary of their roles. "Many of us were concerned about these people's backgrounds," said Ashour Abu Rashed, one of Darna's representatives on the rebel's provisional government body, the Transitional National Council.

"Al-Hasady told me he only wants to remove Gadhafi and will serve under the authority of the local governing councils, and so far he has been true to his word."

After the uprising began in Libya, Mr. Hasady told several journalists that he had joined the fight against the Americans during his time in Afghanistan. He now says he was misquoted and that he only settled in Afghanistan because Islamists of his ilk were unwelcome everywhere else.

Source


QUOTE
69 Libyan authorities specifically named Abdelkarim Ahsadi, Khayrallah Barasi, Mohamed Darnawi, and Abou Sofian Ben Guemou, a former U.S. detainee at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, who Libyan officials released in September 2010. Libyan government claims have not been independently verified. OSC Report GMP20110223950040, “Senior Libyan (continued...)

Source


QUOTE
One LIFG member was Anas al-Liby. A computer expert based in Sudan in the mid-1990s, al-Liby had moved there from Afghanistan, where he trained al-Qaida members in surveillance techniques. In 1993 al-Liby travelled to Nairobi and used the apartment of an al-Qaida member to develop surveillance pictures of the US embassy. This was the first step in the five-year plot that culminated in the embassy bombings of August 1998, following which al-Liby was indicted and became one of America’s most wanted fugitives, with a $25 million reward for his capture or killing. In 1995 al-Liby came to Britain and applied for asylum. Soon after, the Egyptian authorities sent a detailed file on his terrorist credentials to Whitehall, including allegations of his involvement in a failed assassination attempt on President Mubarak in Addis Ababa in June 1995. But Cairo’s request for his extradition was refused; British officials reportedly questioned whether he would get a fair trial and feared he could face the death penalty. Yet there is also the strong suspicion that the British security services were protecting al-Liby, along with the LIFG, given that MI6 was collaborating with it to kill Qadafi. Al-Liby was allowed to live in Manchester until May 2000, when his home was raided on orders from the Home Office, acting on a request from the US; copies of jihad training manuals were discovered, but al-Liby had already fled. Other members of the LIFG included Abu Hafs al-Libi, who reputedly lived in Dublin from 1996 until going to Iraq in 2004, where he served as one of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi’s lieutenants in the al-Qaida group there until his death the same year; and Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi, a commander of Bin Laden’s Khalden training camp in Afghanistan.

Source


QUOTE
Other top ex-LIFG figures remain in al-Qaida. Its chief of operations, Atiyah Abd al-Rahman, a Libyan, was killed two weeks ago in a CIA drone strike. His likely successor, Abu Yahya al-Libi, is also Libyan.

Source


This post has been edited by amirrortotheenemy on Oct 8 2011, 02:45 AM
Top
amirrortotheenemy
Posted: Oct 7 2011, 10:45 PM





Group: J7 Forum Team
Posts: 6,702
Member No.: 235
Joined: 6-November 06



QUOTE
# The SSHD pointed to DD’s contacts with three individuals, apart from M, as showing significant links with Islamic extremists. The first is Al Sadeq, whom DD admits to knowing, but as Ali Mohamed. Al Sadeq was the worldwide emir or leader of the LIFG until his detention in March 2004, but DD denies that he knew at that time that Al Sadeq held that position. It is not disputed that he did hold it. DD’s evidence is that Al Sadeq was an opponent of the Qadhafi regime and was wanted by it. DD must have known Al Sadeq before going to China because he says that when he arrived there Al Sadeq had already arranged accommodation for him and his wife. He does not say how they met, but it does not appear therefore to have been as Libyan exiles in China. Al Sadeq was a friend and they worked together on the website which DD used for his political activities.  Their association was social and business and “to a certain degree political”, as DD put it, because there were many Libyan dissidents in the Far East at the time; but that political association was not within a political organisation. He discussed leaving China with Al Sadeq, who provided him with the Spanish passport in return for DD’s Moroccan one. Al Sadeq is now in detention in Libya, having been arrested in Thailand and removed in March 2004.  Mr Friedman says that DD has not sought to conceal his relationship with Al Sadeq. The SSHD regards the relationship as having been close and as evidencing membership of the LIFG.

# The spiritual leader of the LIFG, Abu  Mundhir , had also been in China at the same time; he too was arrested and removed to Libya from Hong Kong in March 2004.


CODE
http://www.bailii.org/cgi-bin/markup.cgi?doc=/uk/cases/SIAC/2007/42_2005.html


QUOTE
Libyan 'extremist’ Britain allowed to stay was link to al-Qaeda in Iran, papers show
An Alleged Libyan extremist who sought political asylum in Britain regularly travelled to Iran from 2002 to provide forged documents to extremists linked to al-Qaeda, secret files found in a Tripoli intelligence service building have disclosed.

Richard Spencer

By Richard Spencer, Tripoli

1:08AM BST 05 Sep 2011

The documents, seen by The Daily Telegraph, unearth British intelligence suspicions about links between Iran and al-Qaeda dating back almost a decade.

Other details to come out of the documents, sent by MI6 and found in the office of the former head of foreign intelligence and later foreign minister Moussa Koussa, who defected in March, include the revelation that Britain had begun co-operating with the Chinese security services on Islamic extremists.

The extent of Iranian co-operation with al-Qaeda has been disputed in intelligence communities, though Iranians are thought to have provided weapons and explosives to the Taliban in Afghanistan.

A number of al-Qaeda operatives, including members of the family of Osama bin Laden, fled to Tehran after the fall of the Taliban in Afghanistan, and their precise status in Iran has been unclear.

The papers in Libya do not directly challenge the Iranian government, but suggest that al-Qaeda operatives had more freedom of movement there than previously thought.

The extremist Ismail Kamoka spent several years sending funds to terrorist groups across the Middle East, including some linked to al-Qaeda, the files said.

Mr Kamoka, who had been given indefinite leave to remain in Britain after arriving from Saudi Arabia in 1994 and claiming asylum, “travelled from the UK to Iran via Switzerland” in July 2002, according to one document.

“Once in Iran, Kamoka is reported to have delivered false documentation and correspondence to individuals believed to be associated with al-Qaeda,” it goes on.

“Since his return to the UK, Kamoka is believed to have remained in regular contact with these individuals.”

Mr Kamoka was also in touch with a suspected Dutch-based terrorist, according to the papers.

The man was thought to have travelled from Saudi Arabia to Iran for terror training.

Mr Kamoka was eventually jailed in 2007 for providing funds and false passports. Information released about the charges against him by Scotland Yard referred only to his funding for the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group and nothing about Iran. His current whereabouts is unclear.

This group, despite many of its members having fought with the Mujaheddin in Afghanistan, was mainly focused internally and in 2008 renounced violence, leading to the release of many of its members.

Its leader, Abdulhakim Belhadj, who the papers show was “rendered” from Malaysia back to Libya by the United States after a tip-off provided by MI6, is now the leader of the Tripoli Military Council in the new post-revolutionary government in Libya.

News of British co-operation with the shadowy Chinese State Security Bureau will also come as a shock to human rights groups.

China is regularly accused of using a catch-all charge of being an “Islamic terrorist” against activists from Xinjiang province, home to a restive population of the minority and mainly Muslim Uighur ethnic group.

Many so-called “separatists” have been jailed for long terms or even executed.

Nevertheless, MI6 informed the Libyans in November 2003 that it was now co-operating with China.

“We agreed that we would look at how we might engage the Chinese Services on the Islamic extremist target in China,” one letter says.

“We have already embarked on this project and we hope to be able to share with your Service what we know about the presence of North African extremists in this part of the world.”

A third Libyan extremist mentioned in the files, Yusuf Fathi, also known as Ali Muhammad, is described as “Iran-based”, having moved to the city of Shiraz in May 2002.

The documents show the close personal relationships that developed between MI6 officers and the Libyans, with Mark Allen, head of counter-terrorism, regularly beginning his letters to Mr Koussa “Dear Moussa” and ending one letter on Christmas Day 2003 “Your Friend, Mark”.

Now Sir Mark Allen, he went on to become an adviser to BP.

Source


Edit:

QUOTE
JTF-GTMO Detainee Assessment

1.  (S)  Personal Information: 
  JDIMS/NDRC Reference Name:  Rafdat Muhammad Faqi Aljj-Saqqaf
  Current/True Name and Aliases:  Salim Abd al-Salam Umran al-Ghuraybi, Luqman al-Libi, Luqman al-Zalaytani,  Hakim Luqman, Abu Abd al-Rouf 
  Place of Birth:  Zletan, Libya (LY)
  Date of Birth: 1 March 1961 
  Citizenship:  Libya
  Internment Serial Number (ISN):  US9LY-000189DP

(S//NF)  LY-212 stated detainee was associated with many LIFG members. 
Detainee’s associations included:
  (S//NF)  LIFG Deputy Abu Munthir stated he knew detainee beginning in 1999.18
  (S//NF)  Al-Qaida and LIFG facilitator Adnan al-Libi reported he first met detainee in 1997 at the Libyan Guesthouse in Pabbi near Peshawar.
19  (Analyst Note:  Detainee reported staying at the Pabu Refugee Camp near eshawar in 1997.  Pabu is probably Pabbi as reported by Adnan.) 
  (S//NF)  Al-Qaida and LIFG facilitator Ayyub al-Libi reported he gave detainee LIFG money for marriage expenses.20  (Analyst Note:  Detainee is married to a relative of LIFG associate Karim Lahi aka (Abd al-Karim), who also arranged the marriage of a relative to LIFG Economic Committee member Ayyub aka (Abd al-Wahid), probably the Ayyub al-Libi above.21) 
  (S//NF)  LIFG facilitator Ali Muhammad Yusif Mujarab aka (Haydarah), stated in 2003, Mustafa Faraj Muhammad Muhammad Masud al-Jadid al-Uzaybi, aka (Abu Faraj al-Libi), ISN US9LY-010017DP, provided financial assistance to LIFG members in Karachi via Ayyub al-Libi.  He noted the family of Luqman, assessed to be detainee, received $500 US.22  (Analyst Note:  It is unknown if LY-10017, captured May 2005, provided any other assistance to detainee’s family; however, in 2006, detainee’s wife began to write him discussing financial

14 IIR 6 034 0242 03
15 TD-314/45055-04
16 000189 302 09-MAY-2002, Analyst Note:  A variant of Ahmed al-Masri is Ahmed al-Mousry.  Dawa is an Islamic dedication to spread Islam through religious instruction and missionary operations abroad.  A number of detainees claimed to have performed dawa as a cover for their jihadist activities abroad. 
17 TD-314/45055-04
18 TD-314/69562-04
19 TD-314/47743-04
20 TD-314/44769-04
21 TD-314/70218-04
22 TD-314/30196-05

wikileaks


This post has been edited by amirrortotheenemy on Oct 7 2011, 11:32 PM
Top
Bridget
Posted: Oct 7 2011, 11:13 PM





Group: J7 Admins
Posts: 15,276
Member No.: 2
Joined: 26-November 05



QUOTE
Libyan papers show UK worked with Gaddafi in rendition operation

A secret CIA document shows that British and Libyans worked together to arrange the removal of a terror suspect to Tripoli

    Ian Cobain, and Martin Chulov in Tripoli
    guardian.co.uk, Sunday 4 September 2011 19.41 BST

MI6 building, London
Documents found in Tripoli suggest that MI6 enjoyed a close relationship with Gaddafi's intelligence services. Photograph: Martin Argles for the Guardian

Evidence that British intelligence agencies mounted their own "rendition" operation in collaboration with Muammar Gaddafi's security services has emerged with the discovery of a cache of Libyan government papers in an abandoned office building in Tripoli.

A secret CIA document found among the haul shows that the British and Libyans worked together to arrange for a terrorism suspect to be removed from Hong Kong to Tripoli – along with his wife and children – despite the risk that they would be tortured. The wording of the document suggests the CIA was not involved in the planning of the rendition operation, but was eager to become engaged during its execution and offered financial support.

Other papers found in the building suggest MI6 enjoyed a far closer working relationship with Gaddafi's intelligence agencies than has been publicly known, and was involved in a number of US-led operations that also resulted in Islamists being consigned to Gaddafi's prisons.

On Sunday, one of the victims, Abdul Hakim Belhaj – now commander of the anti-Gaddafi militia in Tripoli – demanded an apology from London and Washington and said he was considering suing over his rendition to Tripoli and subsequent torture.

For several years, senior MI5 and MI6 officers have sought to deny that their agencies have been guilty even of complicity in the rendition operations mounted by the US after 9/11, and the subsequent torture of the victims.

The discovery of the papers suggests that on one occasion, at least, the British ran their own "rendition to torture" operation. The victim was named by the CIA as Abu Munthir. He is thought to have been a man who used this nom de guerre while living in the UK, where he is said to have encouraged a group of British Muslims to mount a bomb attack on an unspecified target in the south-east of England. The plotters were under surveillance by MI5 and counterterrorism detectives at the time that Abu Munthir was detained in Hong Kong in March 2004 before being sent to Libya.

While five members of the gang were jailed for life after a trial at the Old Bailey, and a sixth received a 10-year sentence in Canada, the fate of Abu Munthir and his family remains unknown.


The papers were discovered by staff of Human Rights Watch, the New York-based NGO, in the unmarked offices of Libya's external security agency. A number of the documents detail meetings between the British and Libyans during the period of rapprochement that followed the 2003 invasion of Iraq, when Gaddafi was being persuaded to abandon his nuclear weapons programme.

The fact that MI6 and Libyan intelligence enjoyed a close relationship at this time is known: the Secret Intelligence Service made no secret of its role in the successful WMD negotiations, and when Gaddafi's former intelligence chief Moussa Koussa defected last March, MI6 organised the flight. The papers show that Sir Mark Allen, the former head of counterterrorism at MI6, played a key role in nurturing this relationship.

The documents also show that British intelligence agencies provided intelligence reports on individuals of interest to Tripoli, helped the Libyans identify at least one organisation using particular telephone numbers in the UK, and were intimately involved in a number of US operations that saw Islamist terrorist suspects rendered to Libya. Since the ousting of Gaddafi it has become apparent that the regime's enemies were tortured routinely while imprisoned, and at least one rendition victim, Ibn Sheikh al-Libi, later died in what the Libyans claimed was a suicide.

The CIA fax that details the UK-Libya rendition operation is potentially the most damning for the UK authorities, however. It was sent to Tripoli on 23 March 2003 and marked SECRET/US ONLY/EXCEPT LIBYA. "Our service has become aware that last weekend LIFG [Libyan Islamic Fighting Group] deputy Emir Abu Munthir and his spouse and children were being held in Hong Kong detention for immigration/passport violations," it says. "We are also aware that your service had been co-operating with the British to effect Abu Munthir's removal to Tripoli, and that you had an aircraft available for this purpose in the Maldives."

The fax goes on to explain that although Hong Kong had no wish to see a Libyan aircraft land on its territory, "to enable you to assume control of Abu Munthir and his family", the operation would work if the Libyans were to charter an aircraft registered in a third country, and that the US would assist with the cost. The Hong Kong authorities were also insisting that the Libyans offer an assurance that the family's human rights would be respected, but human rights groups would say that such assurances were worthless.

Whitehall officials on Sunday defended the actions of the intelligence agencies and their links with Libya, saying this was "ministerially authorised government policy". They said there were genuine fears some Libyan dissidents living in the UK posed a potential threat to national security, because of the group's links to Islamic extremists. They were cut in 2009.

MI5 and MI6 have continued to maintain they have not been complicit in torture and rendition despite the emergence of a growing body of evidence to the contrary. For example, the last Labour government tried, unsuccessfully, to prevent the high court disclosing evidence that MI5 knew Binyam Mohamed was being tortured in Pakistan before an officer was sent to interrogate Also, a secret telegram signed by Jack Straw while he was foreign secretary, which was disclosed in a second court case, showed that the government had decided a number of British nationals should be sent to Guantánamo Bay, but only after MI5 had interrogated them in Afghanistan.

Despite this, the agencies have continued to insist they were guilty only of being "slow to detect the emerging pattern" of rendition by the US, a defence that was accepted by the intelligence and security committee, the Westminster body that was established to offer political oversight of the agencies.

The secret CIA fax is the first sign that the British went much further than being merely complicit, and were directly involved in rendition to a country where the victim could expect to be tortured.

Abu Munthir was thought to be the link man between a group of British jihadists, whom he had met in Luton, and Abdul Hadi al-Iraqi, who has been accused of being a senior figure in al-Qaida.

A month after Abu Munthir's detention in Hong Kong and removal to Tripoli, 18 men were arrested in police raids across the south of England. Two other men were arrested in New York and Ottawa and several were seized in Pakistan. It was alleged at a trial at the Old Bailey that Abu Munthir had encouraged members of the group to mount attacks in the UK, rather than wage jihad in Afghanistan.

One of those held in Pakistan was Salahuddin Amin, then 29, from Luton, who was questioned 13 times by MI5 officers in between being tortured by agents of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). He was shown a photograph of Abu Munthir, and told that he too was in detention.The secret interrogation policy that MI5 and MI6 officers were instructed to follow during such operations was disclosed by the Guardian last month. Amin was later deported to the UK and is one of the men now serving life sentences.

The questioning of Amin by the ISI, under torture, appears to have been co-ordinated with the questioning of other suspects held by Scotland Yard at Paddington Green police station in west London. It now appears that it was also co-ordinated with the questioning – quite possibly also under torture – of Abu Munthir in Tripoli.
QUOTE
Full text of a CIA document indicating UK role in rendition of a terror suspect

'We are aware that your service has been cooperating with the British to effect Abu Munthir's removal to Tripoli'

    guardian.co.uk, Sunday 4 September 2011 19.41 BST

"Our service has become aware that last weekend LIFG deputy Emir Abu Munthir and his spouse and children were being held in Hong Kong detention for immigration/passport violations. We are also aware that your service has been cooperating with the British to effect Abu Munthir's removal to Tripoli, and that you had an aircraft available for this purpose in the Maldives.

Our understanding is that the Hong Kong special wing (SW) originally denied permission for your aircraft to land in Hong Kong to enable you to assume control of Abu Munthir and his family. However, we believe that the reason for the refusal was based on international concerns over having a Libyan-registered aircraft land in Hong Kong. Accordingly, if your government were to charter a foreign aircraft from a third country, the Hong Kong government may be able to coordinate with you to render Abu Munthir and his family into your custody.

If payment of a charter aircraft is an issue, our service would be willing to assist financially to help underwrite those costs. Please be advised that if we pursue that option, we must have assurances from your government that Abu Munthir and his family will be treated humanely and that his human rights will be respected; we must receive such assurances prior to any assistance being provided.

For your information, the Hong Kong special administrative region is governed by a variety of legal constraints regarding deportation and custody of aliens. Accordingly, we believe that you will need to provide significant detail on Abu Munthir (eg, his terrorist/criminal acts, why he is wanted, perhaps proof of citizenship). It is also our understanding that Hong Kong officials have insisted that prior to turning Abu Munthir over to your custody, they must receive clear assurances from your government that Abu Munthir and his family will be treated humanely and in accordance with human rights."
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Bridget
Posted: Oct 7 2011, 11:19 PM





Group: J7 Admins
Posts: 15,276
Member No.: 2
Joined: 26-November 05



QUOTE ("amtte")
178. Those are the precautions they were taking. What did Omar Khyam want to know in February 2004? He told Amin that he had 650 kg of ammonium nitrate and he basically wanted to know two things. Firstly, what should he mix with it to make explosives and secondly, in what ratios. Khyam explained that he had forgotten the detail of the instructions they had received back in June 2003 in Kohat. So, it seems, had Amin because he went to Abu Munthir, his superior, in order to obtain this information. This took two or three weeks but he was assiduous enough to make notes, thereafter destroyed, of what he was told. That information he passed on to Khyam.

But the CIA papers were dated March 2003 for rendition of Munthir to Tripoli?
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Bridget
Posted: Oct 7 2011, 11:31 PM





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The Guardian date must be a typo this says March 2004:
QUOTE
Libyan family victim of MI6 rendition
Sat Sep 10, 2011 10:11AM GMT

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A Libyan torture victim has disclosed that he and his family were jailed after being “rendered” in an operation arranged by MI6 in collaboration with Muammar Gaddafi's intelligence officers.

Sami Saadi, also known as Abu Munthir, was the target of the British government's “conspiracy,” as it planned his rendition to Tripoli prison, where he suffered starvation and severe torture.

Due to the secret operations conducted by British intelligence, Saadi, his wife and four children were taken from Hong Kong to the Libyan capital, where they all led to prison. Saadi was questioned under Gaddafi forces' torture while his family were detained in a nearby cell.

"They handcuffed me and my wife on the plane, my kids and wife were crying all the way," Saadi said.

"It was a very bad situation. My wife and children were held for two months, and psychologically punished. The Libyans told me that the British were very happy," he added.

Shortly after his rendition, former Prime Minister Tony Blair gave his first visit to Gaddafi to secure Britain's oil contracts in the country.

The documents revealing that the Libyan family were the victim of MI6 secret operation, were found in the abandoned office of Moussa Koussa, former head of Libya's intelligence service.

Saadi was kept in a small cell in a notorious Abu Salim prison, where he was frequently punched and subjected to electric shocks. Right after he arrived in Tripoli, Koussa visited him in the prison and told him Gaddafi's allies in the west helped the regime to find his foes all around the world.

"He told me: 'You've been running from us, but since 9/11 I can pick up the phone and call MI6 or the CIA and they give us all the information we want on you. You've nowhere to hide,'" he said.

Saadi, former deputy leader of the Libya Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG), also revealed he was interrogated by the MI6 agents, who he claims took no notice that he was being tortured.

British Foreign Office refused to say if it knew what happened to Saadi's family due to MI6-led operation, insisting the information has an intelligence matter. "Our position is that it is the government's longstanding policy not to comment on intelligence matters," a spokesman said.

The leaked documents contained a file dated March 23 2004 from CIA to Libya's intelligence service, concerning the cooperative rendition of Saadi and his family.

"Our service has become aware that last weekend LIFG [Libyan Islamic Fighting Group] deputy Emir Abu Munthir and his spouse and children were being held in Hong Kong detention for immigration/passport violations. We are also aware that your service had been co-operating with the British to effect Abu Munthir's removal to Tripoli, and that you had an aircraft available for this purpose in the Maldives," CIA report read.

Saadi, the second Libyan rendition victim after his former leader Abdul Hakim Belhadj, is now considering to take legal action against the British government.

PressTV - Libyan family victim of MI6 rendition
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